Last Refuge
Hanoi calls on heroes and values for stability
HANOI - Hotels are empty, handmade "For Rent" signs
dangle from office buildings and homes, the
power supply blinks on and off and peasants
continue to gripe about corruption across
northern Vietnam. So what does Hanoi do with its
economy seemingly stuck in quicksand? It holds a
pep rally with a revivalist tinge.
The latest meeting of Vietnam Communist Party's
Central Committee, which opened on July 6, is
shaping up as a trip down memory lane with the
hope of finding answers to an unstable future.
The main item on the agenda for the semiannual
conclave of the body's 170 members is culture.
As the party searches for an identity in a world
now woefully bereft of suitable economic and
political role models, it has decided to call on
party founder and former President Ho Chi Minh
(who's been dead for nearly 29 years) and
traditional Vietnamese values for guidance.
Like a pep rally, it will provide more show than
substance for a country that many economists
feel desperately needs decisive leadership to
introduce new economic reforms. "The present and
future involve a lot of danger for the party,"
says one retired official. "The more they
reform, the less power they have."
To try to shore up that power, the party has
essentially followed three paths since
conservative Gen. Le Kha Phieu took the helm in
December: It has strengthened the police and
army, promised to introduce small measures that
it calls democracy, and now is reviving a dead
independence hero as the standard-bearer of its
legitimacy.
The genuine concern about the erosion of values,
however, masks what may be Phieu's ultimate
goal: to enhance his own stature and escape the
shadow of former party chief Do Muoi, who still
wields considerable power as an adviser. An
indication of Phieu's growing self-confidence is
that his plenum speech was printed in state
newspapers before the Central Committee had a
chance to consider it--a breach of normal
protocol. A Western diplomat says Phieu is even
trying to emulate Ho in his rural walkabouts by
travelling without a large entourage and meeting
farmers before calling on local officials.
But the father of modern Vietnam is a tough act
to follow. Traditional values like patriotism,
self-sufficiency and sacrifice are an
inefficient hedge against new ideas,
particularly among the young. Therein lies the
dilemma for Vietnam's leaders: Well over half
the 75 million population is under 25 and most
are more concerned with being able to afford a
Honda Dream motorbike and have a career than
with communist dogma.
Harping on values is only a small part of the
answer, say those who would like to see economic
reform move faster. Although government
officials have pledged to cut red tape and make
life easier for foreign investors who are a
critical source of economic growth, it's not yet
clear that any of this is having an effect.
Vietnam remains a country where there's little
happening but a lot going on.
For instance, on July 4, Vice-Minister of
Planning and Investment Nguyen Nhac acknowledged
at a rare press conference that land-rent cuts
promised in February have yet to take effect. He
said the government is still waiting for the
necessary regulations to implement them, but he
promised the reductions would be retroactive.
Foreign companies "will have to wait a while,
but they'll benefit fully," he said.
But some investors can't wait any longer and
potential new ones don't seem to dare try.
Investment is down this year, exports are
growing at just half the forecast pace, and
inflation is running at 8.6% year-on-year.
The party remains divided over what to
do--another reason to turn to values. Clearly
government officials led by Prime Minister Phan
Van Khai are pushing for faster reform of state
firms and the banking system. But former party
chief Muoi maintains that the economy is stable
and doesn't need a fillip. He even recently
recommended that Vietnam borrow more to purchase
second-hand equipment in the region.
Nevertheless, Muoi is coming under more
criticism, albeit veiled. Several officials have
recently related--spontaneously--anecdotes that
subject Muoi to near ridicule. At a recent
meeting in Hanoi, they say, the 81-year-old
adviser rambled for five hours on topics as
diverse as cement production and the scandal of
short skirts many Vietnamese women now wear. On
another occasion, he called peasant protesters
"narrow-minded reactionaries"--but when
presented with inspection results that showed
their grievances were valid, he apologized and
criticized local officials for being arrogant
and corrupt.
Conservatives may not be giving in on economic
matters, but they appear to be more willing to
consider small administrative reforms to calm
the restive countryside. In February, the party
called for more transparency in local budget
matters.
And soon officials at different levels will
begin to study a set of "democratic principles"
that mainly address questions of taxation--how
much to levy and whether citizens should be
asked for additional "contributions" to fund
local infrastructure projects, and if so, how.
It was this issue of extra fees that fuelled
last year's peasant revolts.
"We must see how they implement it--at least
it's something," says one sceptical official.
But as for other political rights, he says:
"They won't pay much attention unless they're
molested."
By Faith Keenan - Far Eastern Economic Review, July 16, 1998.
|